UK PM Theresa May & her many bows to the Queen | employment-agency.info
May 1, The Queen doesn't like him, so he wasn't invited. true, was that protocol allowed Tony Blair and Gordon Brown to be left off the guest list. Nov 19, The queen, the first monarch to celebrate six decades of marriage on the Prime Minister Gordon Brown was among the ranks of great and good Judi Dench read a poem by poet laureate Andrew Motion, which referred to. May 22, There will be lots of warm words about the special relationship. But it is true that President Obama didn't care for Gordon Brown, and doesn't He seems to get on with David Cameron, says the Queen is "wonderful and.
Brown also said he wanted to have doctors' surgeries open at the weekends, and GPs on call in the evenings. Doctors were given the right of opting out of out-of-hours care inunder a controversial pay deal, signed by then-Health Secretary John Reidwhich awarded them a 22 percent pay rise in Brown also stated in the manifesto that the NHS was his top priority. On 5 Junejust three weeks before he was due to take the post of Prime Minister, Brown made a speech promising "British Jobs for British workers".
Brown was committed to the Iraq Warbut said in a speech in June that he would "learn the lessons" from the mistakes made in Iraq.
He has often said "War is tragic", echoing Blair's quote, "War is horrible". Brown had been under intense pressure from human rights campaigners to send a message to China, concerning the Tibetan unrest. His decision not to attend the opening ceremony was not an act of protest, but rather was made several weeks in advance and not intended as a stand on principle. I think people have got to remember that the special relationship between a British prime minister and an American president is built on the things that we share, the same enduring values about the importance of liberty, opportunity, the dignity of the individual.
The Queen and her private relationship with Prime Ministers in her reign
I will continue to work, as Tony Blair did, very closely with the American administration. Brown's opponents on both sides of the House, and in the press, suggested that ratification by Parliament was not enough and that a referendum should also be held. Labour's manifesto had pledged to give British public a referendum on the original EU Constitution. He also responded with plans for a lengthy debate on the topic, and stated that he believed the document to be too complex to be decided by referendum.
When that happens, then the government should explain why it's ignoring the particular advice". This event was dubbed the 'Lancashire Plot', as two backbenchers from pre Lancashire urged him to step down and a third questioned his chances of holding on to the Labour Party leadership.
Several MPs argued that if Brown did not recover in the polls by earlyhe should call for a leadership contest. However, certain prominent MPs, such as Jacqui Smith and Bill Rammellsuggested that Brown was the right person to lead Britain through its economic crisis. McDonagh was sacked from her role shortly afterwards, on 12 September.
- Gordon Brown Interview: the Election, Blair and Family Life
- Can Gordon Brown recognise a poem?
- Gordon Brown
Whilst McDonagh did not state that she wanted Brown deposed, she implored the Labour party to hold a leadership election, she was sacked from her role shortly afterwards.
In the article, Miliband outlined the party's future, but neglected to mention the Prime Minister. Miliband, responded to this by saying that he was confident Brown could lead Labour to victory in the next general election, and that his article was an attack against the fatalism in the party since the loss of Glasgow-East.
Brown later referred to the call for a secret ballot as a "form of silliness". The SNP, Conservatives and Liberal Democrats all derided Labour for their disorganised nature, with Alex Salmond commenting "This is their 'lost weekend'—they don't have a leader in Scotland, they don't have a candidate in Glasgow East, and they have a prime minister who refuses to come to the constituency".
The seat experienced a swing of In Scotland voter turnout was only twenty eight per cent. The beneficiary of the public backlash was generally seen to be the minor parties, including the Green Party and UKIP.
Gordon Brown Interview: the Election, Blair and Family Life | HuffPost
Brown was quoted in the press as having said that the results were "a painful defeat for Labour", and that "too many good people doing so much good for their communities and their constituencies have lost through no fault of their own. The General Election campaign included the first televised leadership debates in Britain. The result of the election on 6 May was a hung parliament.
Labour Party UK leadership election, Brown announced on 10 May that he would stand down as Labour Leader, with a view to a successor being chosen before the next Labour Party Conference in September Return to the backbenches until On 13 Mayin his first public appearance since leaving 10 Downing Streettwo days after resigning as Prime Minister and Leader of the Labour Party, Brown confirmed he intended to stay on in Parliament, serving as a Labour backbencherto serve the people of his Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath constituency.
The book discusses the —08 financial crisis and Brown's recommendations for future co-ordinated global action. He stood down at the General Election in May The position is unpaid.
Any money earned from the role is to go to the Gordon and Sarah Brown Foundation to support charitable work. Slum housing was a feature of my childhood in the s and s, and I thought we had finally got over the worst of child poverty.
Tax credits were the key to that. Universal credit is completely underfunded and every time they move people on to it you see more poverty. And, actually, most of them didn't go because the pressures were very high on them, and a lot of them just gave up on the way. You cannot standardise a measure of talent. It was a time when students were more interested in sit-ins and were quite snooty about that kind of thing, but he had a gift for touching different sorts of people.
He lectured in politics in Glasgow and Edinburgh, "and I was going down that sort of road, but after I had my series of eye operations, I decided to do something a bit more useful". As is well known, Brown lost his sight in one eye in an accident when he was playing rugby in his final year at school. Up to that point, he was a gifted and keen sportsman. I'd read somewhere that he'd even thought of turning professional, but when I ask him, he says "No!
But I was very fit and I was very fast. I was a runner, you know, so whether you're playing football or rugby or athletics, if you're fast, you've got something to offer. How did you find that? Brown knew that this interested me, for several reasons, and I had the impression that he had prepared himself.
We had met years ago when he threw a drinks party for Women in Journalism, in a gracious reception room on the top floor of 11 Downing Street. He may have had, even then, a slight reputation for dourness - which was nothing compared to what it became - but he was incredibly charming and seemed totally at ease surrounded by legions of spike-heeled feministas who all wanted to get close to him.
His chief memory of the occasion, rather disappointingly, was the enthusiastic smoking on the balconies. Then, more recently, as Brown's reputation hardened - and he was portrayed, in some places, as a moody, paranoid, bitter, neurotic, socially dysfunctional, obsessive, workaholic weirdo - it struck me how distinctly at odds this was with the impression of him conveyed by other people I interviewed.
Talking to them revealed glimpses of a Brown that we rarely see, and I wanted to dig deeper into this hinterland. What impressed him was the knowledge of the Chancellor, as he was then, but also his curiosity and desire to learn more. Antonia Fraser was struck by Brown's cleverness but also his passionate interest and knowledge of poetry.
Brown remembers being invited to a reception for Fraser's anthology of Scottish love poetry when he was a student: This man who had this great talent with words was reduced to the adjective, the verb and the noun of swear words. Every time I make a reference, he joins me, and so we make a bit of spectacle of ourselves, yelling, "My heart aches and a drowsy numbness pains my sense" over the rattle of the train.
The only other politician, in my experience, who has a similar love and appreciation of language is Boris Johnson. I had asked Brown to cite his favourite love poem and he's a bit stumped. About a week after our last meeting, I have the faintly surreal experience of the Prime Minister calling me at home, on a Sunday, and quoting the lines of various poems that do it for him.
Clearly, he was speaking from memory, because he is unable to tell me the titles, apart from Robbie Burns's A Red Red Rose. He also likes this one by Erich Fried and recites it: Her husband had been talking about his book of the moment, Hilary Mantel's Wolf Hall. What I want to know is whether the Browns swap books at bedtime. Sarah says in her dry way: Brown ushers me into his car, en route for Downing Street, where he and Sarah are hosting a reception for the heroes of different communities, and talks in an unbridled way about himself.
There is a bit of a whiff of that "They're out to get me" paranoia when he refers to certain newspapers, but then you could say it's justifiable paranoia because they are. More interestingly, he says that for some years he had felt restricted by a kind of image-problem straitjacket but now he's shrugged it off and can be himself.
He talks about it as though it were a liberation. Other people have witnessed this new lightness in the PM's step, although they say the straitjacket was of Brown's own making.
One political commentator first noticed what a good mood Brown was in on the plane to Trinidad, last November, for the Commonwealth summit. Is it because he can see the finishing line? So Brown's in with a chance. I've had texts from people in No 10 saying, 'God, he's in a bad mood today,' and there's no doubt that he's really, really moody.
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But now that it's been seen that he can shed a tear as well as sock people," he jokes, "Brown's far more interesting to the public. His main problems were shooting the messenger and sulking when he didn't get his own way, but my impression is that all that is better now and his team seems to be working better. Our next meeting takes place, on Sunday afternoon, in the kitchen of No It's rather pokey and old-fashioned and to get there, you go up in a lift the size of one of those saw-the-lady-in-half magician's boxes.
The Browns' sons are nowhere to be seen but I pass their brightly coloured wellingtons lined up, regimentally, in another tiny nook at the entrance of the flat. Sarah organises coffee in a cafetiere and, again, Brown and I are left alone, to talk around the kitchen table. This lack of control-freakery is highly unusual with senior politicians.
Brown's press person leaves a tape recorder on the table but never sits in on the interviews. When I interviewed Tony Blair a number of times last year, again with no aide present, he said that when he was Prime Minister that would never have happened. I wasn't allowed to be on my own with David Cameron in our time together, again last year, without his press officer glued to our side. Cameron's people were also much more anxious about what I was going to write, while Brown's lot are almost peculiarly chilled.
It's hard to know whether this is an extremely clever ploy - see how relaxed and confident the PM is! Gordon Brown has nothing to fear! I ask Brown, after all the recent focus on his personality, how he would describe his temperament. But every morning, I'm very positive about what you can do. You always knew when he was disappointed by the expression on his face but he would not get angry. And every time I get impatient or angry around others, I remember my father was not prepared to lose his temper.
But 'brood' is not the word. I'm fighting as we've never fought before to win," he says. Some commentators are saying that the danger is that you underestimate Cameron. I mean, they're putting huge amounts of money and huge amounts of effort and huge amounts of personal You know, sort of 'Brown is the problem', 'Another five years of Brown'.
I don't underestimate them at all. Could this be the reason that he put off the election, the first time round, when he seemed to be in a much stronger position to win, even though the initial honeymoon period was over. I mean, if people decide not to vote for us, I'll accept that.
I have to accept it so I will accept it. I don't think I'm motivated by the fear of rejection. We'd gone through the summer with floods and terrorism, and foot-and-mouth, and I thought about it and then decided not to do it because I thought we would give people more time to see what we're capable of doing.
Do you despair of the fickleness of the public; the way when Blair had gone, it was all, "Thank God, no more of that dreadful showbiz and glamour - Gordon Brown is so solid and no frills," and, pretty soon, it was you who could do nothing right? So - make a mistake [which his people admit he did on pensions, for instance], make a bad judgment, do something sort of idiosyncratic or do something a bit strange or odd or stupid, and - you know - people will mark you down. So if you're asking people, most of the time, 'What's your view of the Government?
I'm still shocked by some of these parliamentary expenses problems that I never knew about. There was a system that was wrong, but it does shock me how bad some of the experiences we had to deal with were. And when you see people abusing any system, you get angry and it made me very angry indeed. In the last two years, we've had two of the biggest problems that British politics has had to face since the war. One is the trust in politics that has been damaged in a way that it's never been hurt before by a sort of cumulative weight of public opinion against MPs - because of the expenses - which is justifiable.
And let's see what happens in the next few months. I mean, there's still a long way to go. And the reason that people don't feel that their politicians are in touch with them as they should be is that they don't feel that politicians are debating the issues that really matter to them - like social care - how do you care for the elderly?
If you could see Parliament really debating that, then people might have more trust in the political system.
Can Gordon Brown recognise a poem? | Books | The Guardian
That's where I'd like it to be. Look, politicians can behave well, even if they often behave badly. And we had 18 minutes of points of order - hahahahah - and I remember turning to Tony and saying, 'Look, we've waited 18 years, I suppose we can wait another 20 minutes. It has been the subject of many column inches, books and a TV drama, The Deal. Given the Conservatives' recent, rather counter-intuitive claim that they are Blair's heirs, it seemed a good idea to contact the man himself.
Blair is harder to pin down, these days, than the PM, but he spoke to me on the telephone, in snatches, from Moscow, London and Brussels, before flying off to China.
They were both new MPs when they met - Blair was 30, Brown, 32 - and they got on instantly. First, there was a very strong intellectual curiosity, and an understanding that the Labour Party had to change and that we were in serious trouble.
But the most important thing was that for ten years we were extremely busy iterating and reiterating where the Labour Party had to be Wasn't that awkward, since Brown had somewhat mentored him? We resume, a day or so later: Obviously, it was very hard for him but, yes, I think he eventually reconciled himself to it. And, actually, in those ten years we were a very successful partnership.
But, yes, the tension obviously remained. But there's no point in being silly about it - of course the tension remained between someone who had the job and someone who wanted the job. That's always the way it is, but it was still a very enduring partnership. One of the reasons why I would never go out and criticise the person who is Prime Minister is that I know how damn tough the job is, and I also know enough about the way the modern media works to know that things can get extraordinarily exaggerated and your motives are completely traduced.
Only in one corner, almost embarrassedly tucked-away, is there any sense of the here and now - a photograph of a beaming Brown, with his two boys, John, 6, and Fraser, 3, wrapped up in his arms.
Sculpted into the cornices, around the room, are four tiny bees that Cherie had commissioned to represent the actual Blair heirs. The original vandal was Margaret Thatcher who had decided, in a fit of whimsical grandeur, to have four thatches attached to the stucco of the ceiling in one of No 10's reception rooms.
When Brown arrives, I ask him what form his interior legacy will take. But then you weren't so very patient towards the end, were you? We had our ups and downs but there is no political relationship, as I have said, that has survived so long as Chancellor and Prime Minister as the one I had with Tony.